Rassegna storica del Risorgimento

Gladstoni* on the Italian Question Junuaty IMO 97
tation. S<* the friends of JtaJy had becn brought together into onc adnuniatration, and could begin the tasfcarif makingbridgcs for the Ernperor of the Frendi . *ì
In discnssions with the Radicai leader in June, Palmerston and Russell discounted any possibili tv that England might join in the war. They claimcd they were saving ber from intcrvention on behalf of the Ans-trians. On Septerabcr 7 Russell was of opinion that there never was a time when it was less expedient to fetter this country by prospective enga­gement, though he added that after the peace of Zurich is inade, or not made, we shall see our way better. 3) But during the long Parlia-mentary recess, Anglo-French relations hnproved (although the Emperor was not quite so amenable as Gladstone suggests), due xnainly to common problcms in the East aud to the commercial treaty ncgotiation6, and in early Dccember Napoleon privately reqnested an alliance, both defensrve and offensive, against Austria. England could not accept, but Russell made it plain to Queen Victoria that in some eircurnstances he might advise positive assistance to Franco. And then, after the publication of Le Pope et le Congrès, the Emperor a6kcd for a defensive alliance, which Cowley carne to London (January 2, 1860) to recommend.
The Cabinet met next day. Lord Granville sent an account of the proceedings to Lord Canning. Johnny, backed by Pam, by Gladstone, and partially by Milner Gibson, Somerset and Argyll, proposed to pledge ourselves to France that we would give material assistance to France if Austria used force in Italy. Cardwell and Elgin, as usuai, gave no opinion. Therest of us objected strongly. The Cabinet adjourned for a week. Pam, Granville continues, circulated a violent memorandum, well reasoned in parts, asserting implicit confidence in the Emperor, and endìng by recommend-ing Johnny's proposai as the only honourable course for this country. He also wrote to several of us, telling us that Johnny would resign, and that he entirely agrced with Johnny. We, without concert, wrote the same sort of finn answers. *) This was the occasion of Gladstone's letter.
It is interesting to compare it with Pabnerston's memorandum (Janu­ary 5).5) Both ministers repudiate genuine neutrality and make a realistic appraisal of Congresses. Both contend that the proposed alliance *holy the Prime Minister dnbs it will in fact help to preserve peace. Palmer-Bton, despite his private doubts, is here more emphatic than Gladstone in placing reliance on the Emperor, but trusts his steadiness of purpose in Italian affaire rather than his friendship for England. Both appear equally eure of the approvai of English opinion and Bay they will stake the survival of the AóUninistration in so noble a cause. (One wonders whether even Palmerston would have won an election with a French alliance as his
1) Mom-EV, op. eiL, voi. I, p. 628. To Acton (1864>
2) Claxendon's charactcriuatiou of a Forcign Sccrctary' craploynient. Sir T. MAIITIN, Life of the Prince Consorl, London, Smith, Elder Co., 1875, voi. IV, p. 406.
3) BBNSON and ESIIEII, op, ci'/., voi. IH, p. 370.
4) Lord EliMOND Frrzsf AUKICB, Life of Granville, London, Longmans, Green Co., 1905,
voi. L p. 369.
5) flon. E. ASHLEY, Later Life of Palmerston, London, Bcntley, 1876, voi n, pp. 174-180.