Rassegna storica del Risorgimento

Gladstoae on the Italioti Queslion JOIHUV: 18-60 101
I ORI rather consciotts of prejudice against him tlmn in hìs Jhvour: but I t li in k cn ndo ur must ad in il ihat on ili e whole li r has not jtpoen cause for compiami in the conduci of hi* relati ons ni ih England that in some cases icherc he might have found carne or plea of quarrcl. he has noi citaseli to find it that on some occasions where ice were weak and assailable, he either has not desired or has not thought it conveniente to turn the-m to hostile account. Al the sante lime he has shmcn real even if parti al and inconsistent indications of a genuine feeling for the Italiana and far heyond this he has committed himself very considerably to the Itali un cause in the face ofthe world.
When in reply to ali this icejling in hìs face the Truce of ViUafranca, he may reply, and the ansiver is not icithout force, that he stood single handed iti a cause when any moment Europe might have stood combined against him We gave him verbal sympathy and encouragement or at least criticism: no one else gave him anything at ali. No doubt he showed there that he had undertaken a toork to which hìs poivers were uneaual; but I do not think, that when fairly judged he can be said lo have given proof by that measure of insincerity or indiffer enee.
Since the articles of Villafranca, ho has been in a great degree on common ground with us and every step he has taken, without I believe any cxcep-tion, has been in the direction we have wished. Even down to the lime when we agreed to enter itilo the Congress, we were looking for stronger assurances front him of kis disposition to stand by the Italians-: now he has passed us; and he- says I ani disposed to revive [Gladstone must mean resisi] any attempi to force a Government upon them, how are you disposed?
If we were asked to comm.it ourselves in advance of him, we might reply that we could not be sure of his following us, but when the question simply is whether we shall agree to support in conjunction with him a principle which we have loudly and uniformly proclaimed, I must say that for one I cannot see reason to apprehend his abandoning it and us. Neither can I feel very fear-ful on the subject of public opinion in this country. No doubt it would be unlikely lo folloic us were we going to repeat the experiment of the war of last spring which was believed to be a war of aggression on the part of the [word ouiitLed - French? Emperor?]
But the public opinion of this country has during the last year moved rapidly and steadily in favour of the Italians. It is now on their side: and when the Englishman has taken his side he loves measures of decision. Even to this day U is a popular idea in England that the Government of 1853 might by a more pronounced course of action at an early stage that is by threatening Russia with armed resìstance, have prevented the Crimean War*
Yet snch threats would have proceeded upon no such broad and intelli-gible principle as we should now have to resi upon, for the ideas and inlere-lions which al this lime menace Itali an liberty, would at a former period have been noi less fatai to our oun. I do not believe that England would approvo of a crusade on behalf offreedom either in Italy or elsewhere. But over since the day when Malmesbury determined to settle the whole mailer by himself and without Europe, our credit and influente, our duty and honour have been absolu-tely involved in (he setllement Il can neither be well settled icithout our havìng mudi of the praise, nor ili without our taking a large share of lite disgrace