Rassegna storica del Risorgimento

Documenti americani sul conflitto italo-austrìaco del 1859 11
of the Emperor Napoleon not to engagé in war. It is quitc probable that this exposé was made to remove some minor difficili tv which Lord Cowley met at Vienna, but it does not appear to me to involve tbe abandonment of the Empe-ror*s demands. whatever they may be.
What the precise nature of these demands is, has not been made public. But it is most probable tbat they relate to Italian affairs. Tbe treaties of 1815, cspecially that of Vienna, have nevcr been othcrwise than most distastefnl to France. At that tinte, France was virtually conquered. The Congress of Vienna was made up by representatives of the powers who had coalesced, overth-rown the First Napoleon, and restored the Bourbons. Nominally represented io/the Congress by plenipotentiaries opposed to the Napoleonie dynasty, France under that dynasty cannot look with favor on the provisions of tbe arrange-ment8 made by the Congress.
Yet, it probably is no part of the purpose of the Emperor to attack that treaty It conld not fail to revive an irresistible coalrtion against him.
Besides the title conferred by that Congress on Austria to her Italian pos-session of Lombardy and Venetia, it is now known that Austria has secret trea­ties with several of the Italian stat.es, which eonfer on her rights of military occùpation, and imposes on her duties of defence which eonfer power dangerous to neighboring states, and fatai to any hope of independence for Italians.''
It is against these treaties that the Emperor will, it is believed, object, and will insist on their renunciation. If granted, Austria will have to withdraw her troops frorn the Roman Legations and from the sovereign temporal states of Italy. These measures will endanger her own proper Italian possessions, and will remove the curb which has rcstrained the Rcvohitionary spirit in Italy.
I can hardly believe that she will assent to it, and I do not believe that the Emperor will be satisfied with less. The other great powers of Europe will scarcely, on sudi a question, urge any but diplomatile means, the solution of the affair. If this should be the result, Austria will be isolated, and the Empe-ror's policy is obvious, to secure that result, if he be determined on war, in the event of Austria's refusing to accede to bis demand.
The position of European powers in regard to the controversy seems to be weH defined. England is opposed to the war. The Derby ministry is in great perii and may be driven rrom power by the Reform question; but whether retaining power or superseded, there seems no probability that they or their sue-cessor will break up the French alliance, and engagé in a coalition for war against France. 3)
The circular letter of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Prussia, which I send herewith, in a newspapcr slip, shows that Prussia is in accord with England.
Russia has not friendly feeling toward Austria, but this great Empire is not now prepared for war. She is occupied with two questione of vast ini pò r-tauce: the first relates to her system of railroads, which will add immensely to ber military strength, and will not be finished for use before the year 1862; the other is the delicate subject of the abolition of serfdom. It is understood that the Russi an Government does not consider that there is cause for war, and
) Si veda LICUKGO CAPPELLETTI, Austria e Toscana; setta lustri di storia (1824 1659), Torino, Bocca, 1918.
2) Edward Goeffrey Smith Stanley, l4mo conte di Derby (1799-1869).