Rassegna storica del Risorgimento

Documenti americani sul conflitto italo-austriaco del 1859 35
with a suspcnsion of hostilities for fivc long weoks. Next. dav carni", the m:w of au iuterview bctwcon the two Caesars, and lo-day tliis intelligence of an Austrian peace, concludcd wiIhout apparent causo or connection?:, and ccrtainly withont consultation with the King and Cavour, and against the known wishes of 'die Freuch army and the Italian pcople a peace which lcaves the work of war uunnished, and under which thia peninsula will be not more tran quii in future than it has been in the pasl.
When Napoleon III left Paris, he proclaimed to an attentivi world that Italy should be free to the Adriatìc . In the fanious manifesto of Milan these promises were rcpeated, and the highest expectations vere formed on further declarations. The Italian pcople , eaid he, shall decide their own future destiny 1 bave no preconceivcd system of mine to impose upon them. . Now these disti net plcdgcs are distinctly violated in this t rea tv of peace. The wish of Italy was wcll known and unanimous. They chose Victor Emmanuel for their consti tutional King, and they desired a united government. They have nothing of this sort. Victor Emmanuel is stili the little King in northera Italy. The hated Pope is the head of an imaginary confederation, and worst of ali Venice, the most gallant and beloved of ali the Italian states, is sacrificed to the pride of a beaten tyrant.
Had such a treaty followed an (infortunate campaign, or even a lost battle, it coxdd be received with reason. But under prcsent circumstances it is naturai that this country should feel and evince a great disappointment. The great price of complete independance [sic] slips through their fingere at the moment they grasp it. Ali the prcsent sacrifice of blood and treasure must be undergone again at some future time; and who can feel sure that when the struggle is renewed, fortune and circumstances will be equally favourable ? The policy of agitation must bc again inaugurated, with ali its pains and risks at the moment when a real peace was within the reach of ali.
The motives which have indueed Louis Napoleon to throw away the splendid position which he occupied in the cycs of Europe cannot be supposed at present. Whether it was the certainty of a general war, as made known to him by the diplomacy of Russia and Prussia, whether he has, as the Italiana say, ambitious views on the Rhine, which Austria may help him to fulfìl. or whether he is seduced Iike bis uncle by the splendour of the House of Hapsburg, and a de­sire to forra personal friendship and alliance with the Kaiser, these are ali vague imaginatjons. That secret man lets no one into bis real counsels.
News from the camp are not checrful. The army and the King are quitc as much disgusted as the pcople of Turbi. Cavour left: for the scene of action by express train at the first news of the armistice and has not since been heard from. It is belio ved bere that he returned to Tur in last night and that he remains retired in bis house to-day. That gentleman may reasonably be supposed to be in a state of considerable disappointment and exasperation. Fortunatcly, however, both for himself and bis King, they are in no way respon-siblc for the result. L'Empcrcur d'Autriche et Moi have dono ali that is done; and Sardinia is in no way taken into the account.
ìtis of 'coursc quitc uselcss for Italy to fret, Louis Napoleon is master of the situation, and there is nothing left for them but to be vcry tbankful for the real benefits which he has ccrtainly confcrred and make the best use they can of their increascd forces.