Rassegna storica del Risorgimento

Documenti americani sul conflitto italo-ausi ri avo del 1859 43
reduction of the military force in the field, bave not been gold, but are cantonncd witb the farmcrs, throughout Franco, witb a privilegi of working tbern, but witb au obligation to deliver tbcm to the Government, when wanted for pubUc UBO. Franco is tberefore ready for any event, and thus the danger proinotcs the policy of a Congrcss and this measure wiJl probably be adopted to avoid war.
John M. Daniel a Lewis Cass
Turin, Jan. 24, 1860. No. 132.
Sir: [Il ritorno di Cavour al potere ...] Mr. Cavour's return to the Ministry of Sardinia will doubtless attract great attention everywhere becausc he has in appearance been not only a ebief actor, but the great mover in the events which have reudered 1859 remarkable in history. Such bas been the appearance, hut not such the true fact. It is very clear to those who have been dose to the scene that Mr. Cavour, so far front originating the Italian movement, did not even under stand the Emperor's policy or comprehend bis course. Twice during those six months be sent bis resignation once in Aprii, just beibre the war broke, under the supposition that Louis Napoleon had failed to keep bis promises; and then again after Vi Ila franca under the beli e f that ali the hopes of Italy had been sacrificed by that monarchy. The truth is he can in nowise he considcred as a profound statesman, or as a statesman at ali. He is esscn-tially a politician. Adroit, clever, bold those are the adjectives which charac-terize him justly. That which is best in bim is the faculty to disccrn the ebanges and rcal movements of public opinion in advancc of others; and tbis faculty, so important to the public man, whose aim is personal success, he possesses in a very eminent degree. Thus he commenced life in the party of priests and aristocrats, and is now the leader of ali Yoimg Italy, and yet always kept office because in ali bis changes he never outran or laggcd hehind the public sentiment. His admirers likcn bim to Peci; but thougb be has had a much more brilliant part to play for history, the comparison is unfair to the great Englisbman and most unfavorablc as a contrast to the Italian; for he wholly lacks the steadiness of inorai principle, the manly intcllect, and resolute fortitude of the first. Cavour passes easily from arrogance to despair. For the rest he is a Voltairian in his philosophy and wholly unscrupulous in his words and actions a fact which ahould not be regarded as a fault in him, for, were it otherwise, he would he wholly unfit for and incapable of the governinent of au Italian people. He loves money and has made a large private fortune while attending to the affairs of his nation, and he dearly loves power. Of this he can never bring bimself to partake with any other: nor can be brook the least opposition from any quarter, great or small. This trait in his character will, I think, be the breaker on which he will shortly make a wreck. For therc is now another individuai mov-ing in the sanie sphere who has the sanie disposition to absorb ali power ni bimself and who is so much more powcrful and profound that he can break the Italian politician like a wooden puppet on his knee in a moment. Two such men as Napoleon and Cavour must nccessarily come in collision, not from their opposing but their rcscmbling traits. One of these men is secret, deep, and cold; the other is vain, passionate, and garrulous; hut they are boti alike in this - a radicai contempi for ali law hut their own will and a perfect determi-nation to make ali other men their tools ...